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A man I often see carries a sign that reads: "Homeless: will work for food." He says work brings dignity, and he'd rather work than beg. To deny work to someone deprives that person of the dignity work conveys. But a mere job is not enough. Only bread labor or work for necessities has meaning and dignity. Much of what passes for "work" today conveys no dignity to the worker. Consider: How many people do work that produces nothing of use? How many busy themselves making or selling the non-essential baubles of mindless consumption? What numbers make and market implements of destruction and death? How many workers have been turned into automatons? How much so-called work depletes non-renewable resources or pollutes the environment? How much labor producing food poisons products bound for bellies? And what legions spend their lives recording in exquisite detail all this, and more, useless or harmful activity? Finally, how many of all these multitudes toil in settings which themselves are unhealthy and unsafe? Marx saw workers alienated from the product of labor as well as from themselves, from others, and from nature itself. Such alienation has been deepened, extended, intensified, so that many young people today face only no work or meaningless work. Seeking bread, they receive scorpions. Little wonder there's rage in the land. If we asked, "What work is really necessary?," the answer would have to include: "That which produces and sustains ongoing life." Doing work of this sort entails being of use because what we bring forth is of use to ourselves and to others. Work that thus enhances life would be meaningful because useful and necessary. The only proviso is that we not do work which destroys others or harms the environment, since such activity obviously would not sustain life. Isn't it odd that the crucial work of producing and sustaining ourselves -- the work of parenting and caring for the young -- we prize least of all? For in our money economy this most necessary work usually receives no compensation. We've turned things upside down. For typically we pay those who do non-necessary work the most, those who perform necessary labor the least. From the perspective of sustaining life, much of what we call "work" should in fact be called anti-work. Many of the job ads in the local paper are ads for anti-work. Anti-work treats the worker like a disposable object -- to be overworked, underworked, or underpaid. Being underpaid is to be unable to meet the costs of basic physical needs like food, clothing, shelter, health care, education. In a money economy like ours -- and our economy is now global -- money is necessary to meet basic needs. Everyone thus has a right to sufficient money; otherwise basic needs will be denied. Without adequate funds people end up homeless, devoid of health care, even lacking for food. How to get money thus becomes a question for everyone. The answers mainly are three: steal it, get it from welfare, work for it. Let's begin with stealing. If you recognize, as both Adam Smith and Marx did, that labor creates value, then you already know that those with an abundance of money have stolen what they have from those who toil. For it is those who toil -- like a farmer or a carpenter -- who turn objects, like seeds or lumber, into useful objects valued by others as commodities. From this perspective, rich consuming countries rob poor producing ones, and the well-off enjoy bread and board made by the hands of others. Indeed our political economy legalizes such theft and makes it normal. Of course, only the haves can steal and get away with it. The have-nots, by contrast, get locked up if caught trying to take what they require. Never mind that theft may seem a necessity to those systematically deprived of work and thus of money and therefore of the means to meet their needs. The sophisticated and legalized thievery of the haves gets protected while punishment awaits the crude thefts of the have-nots. Work, or its absence, thus plays a crucial role in social control, with social control often meaning racial control. In any case, stealing is an option that works better at the top of the social pyramid than at the bottom. And the fruit of theft is antagonism, unrest, warfare -- anything but peace and justice. Welfare, or going on the dole, a second way to get funds, is a poor solution to the money problem. As Franklin Roosevelt and many other welfare state advocates recognized, pacifying the poor helps keep capitalism alive. Since capitalism requires hordes of both consumers and the unemployed, it helps to make consumers of those without work -- which is precisely what welfare accomplishes. Yet, as those on the dole in most welfare states are now learning, what is given can be taken away. This underscores the fundamental fact that welfare is paternalistic and demeaning, for it deprives the recipient not only of work but of decision-making power over her or his earthly fate. The welfare recipient is reduced to dependency. Welfare thus breeds contempt between those who pay and those who pray -- or prey. Finally, welfare is a sure way of increasing the size and reach and potentially oppressive power of the state. For a host of reasons, therefore, welfare is no way to solve the money problem. At best it only reforms a system in need of transformation. This brings us back to work. The best way to get money into the hands of all so that the needs of all can be met is to let everyone work for it. We require ample jobs with ample income. In the space remaining I'll show how we might have both by responding to four questions: 1) What work are we talking about? 2) What workers will perform this work? 3) Who will be compensated and how? 4) Who's in control? 1) Earlier I indicated that necessary work is that which produces and sustains ongoing life. This is the principal work of the future. It clearly includes work already being done but not compensated for, such as parenting and housekeeping. The literal meaning of economics, by the way, is housekeeping. How many economists advocate compensation for housekeeping? Shifting from life-destroying to life-sustaining work means honoring some activities previously taken for granted. It also means relying on a non-polluting technology based on renewable energy sources. Shifting to life-sustaining work requires, moreover, that we humans simplify our lives and come to terms with our place in nature, including our relation to the non-human animal realm. If any of the work of the future is non-necessary it must also, like necessary work, be ecologically non-destructive. 2) In response to the question, what workers will perform the life-sustaining work of the future, necessary work -- that without which we cannot survive -- requires the efforts of every able-bodied person. We can determine what work is necessary, then divide it up more or less equally among the available workers. This entails a reduced work-week. Right now, even if nothing else changed, twice as many people could be employed in any enterprise that cut the standard work-week in half, thus ending the overwork of some and the underwork of others. Everyone would have work; everyone would have leisure. Everyone also would have income, those who had simplified their lives being better off than those who hadn't. Later I shall address the issue of sufficient income. Not all necessary work is equally desirable. Dealing with waste must still be done. Some propose paying premium wages for work of this sort. I prefer a system of rotation in which for a specified period we all do our share of the grit work. The medieval monk Brother Lawrence found grace cleaning kettles in the kitchen. Before turning directly to the question of compensation, let me emphasize that we all without exception are workers. Newborn infants and young children work at becoming themselves, at teaching others, and at learning the ways of the world around them. Ditto for the differently abled, the infirm, the aged. Life is a school in which we all work at learning and at teaching. Every last one of us experiences the dignity of work in our very beings. I underscore this point because we deserve to be prized for who we are and what we do. Since all contribute, none is unworthy. 3) Regarding compensation, Stuart M. Speiser of the Council on International and Public Affairs advocates creation of what he calls "a universal share ownership plan." He would have the new wealth generated in the U.S. each year distributed equally to the U.S. population in the form of irrevocable shares in the largest corporations producing this wealth. Each individual thereafter would receive income from her or his shares. No presently wealthy persons would lose wealth already possessed, since Speiser's scheme involves only the new wealth generated each year. Speiser sees the resultant democratization of ownership and income as a logical extension of the private ownership that is the hallmark of capitalism. But his scheme also simultaneously fulfills the socialist goal of collective ownership of the means of production while avoiding the trap of state ownership. What he envisions is shared ownership of U.S. corporate wealth by all U.S. citizens, resulting in income for everyone in the country. Given the global reach of trans-national corporations, there is no reason why what Speiser imagines couldn't be extended globally. With large corporations thus owned by people in all the countries in which they operate, global wealth would be globally owned and globally shared. The beauty of this idea is that it takes something that already exists -- private stock ownership -- and extends it in the direction of democracy and economic justice. Elaborating a bit, I can imagine that at birth each citizen of the U.S. and of other countries receives a supply of irrevocable shares in the productive corporate wealth of the society. Because these shares are irrevocable an individual's wealth cannot be stolen or surrendered. The resultant lifetime income should be sufficient to meet basic needs for food, clothing, shelter, health care, education. Young, old, female, or infirm are no longer economically dependent, nor do they pose an undue burden on others. At some appropriate time, each individual performs her or his share of the necessary labor of the society, such as trash handling, composting, child care. Necessary labor, like necessary income, is equitably shared -- from each according to ability, to each according to need. Yet there can still be economic incentives to earn more. For my work-life need not be limited to my relatively small share of the necessary labor. Many tasks, many professions can be available to those who wish to pursue them, more or less as bonuses beyond the platform of economic sufficiency and equality. If I want to operate a small business, or if I want to take up a certain lucrative practice -- say, something highly skilled, like architecture -- I am free to do so, provided I meet the relevant standards. Likewise, if I desire to pour my energy into work that doesn't pay -- say, I want to make music but there's no money in music, at least of the kind I like -- I am not penalized, and I may in this calling bring untold joy both to myself and to others. In whatever way I spend my life, at death my shares in society's corporate economic abundance revert to the general fund, with no one the worse in the process. 4) I have discussed a system in which everyone works, work has meaning, and needs are met. Now I turn to the crucial question of who's in control. The only suitable answer is everyone. For just as wealth must be democratized so must power. The fatal flaw in both the welfare state of the capitalist West and the state socialism of the Soviet East is the failure to place power directly in the hands of the people. People power needs to be exercised in two realms, the political and the economic. Politically, once we have used the state to help set up the kind of economy I have described, the state itself can wither away, for it will have nothing essential to do, and it's always been devoted primarily to domination and violence anyway. So, good riddance. This means not the end of politics but its real beginning. For government will still be required locally and perhaps regionally, and governing will be part of the ordinary activity of the people in any given area. People will rule themselves as readily as they now feed and clothe themselves, only with more ease. For they'll truly be free to decide their earthly fate together. Disagreements won't disappear. But they'll be the friction for creativity. Conflict, indeed, will be the occasion for play rather than a trigger to deceit and brutality. People power in the economic realm requires the transformation of the large corporations that, as suggested, will be owned by people worldwide. Speiser, on whose work I've drawn, favors leaving corporate decision-making power in the hands of the managerial class now in control. This, I think, is a mistake, not simply because managers have a poor record regarding economic justice and ecological wisdom. Keeping economic power concentrated in the hands of the few perpetuates class warfare in a time when, to survive, we must have peace. The way to peace economically is to democratize economic power. This can be achieved by turning the huge corporations that straddle the globe into worker/consumer controlled cooperatives. Power thus within each corporation will be decentralized according to the distribution of workers and consumers in different locales. Workers and consumers in specific locations will contract with each other regarding what to produce and what to buy. They'll decide how to meet their mutual needs in accord with ecological self-interest; that is, they'll not foul their own nests. Of course, one should not expect the present managerial class and the topdog owners they serve to readily surrender corporate decision-making power to workers and consumers. Gandhi wanted the rising bourgeoisie of his native India to regard themselves as trustees for the wealth which fell into their hands. The rich thus would become servants of the poor rather than their masters. This evidently was too much to expect, and Gandhi should be faulted for not employing in the economic realm the methods of mass nonviolent resistance applied so effectively against the British in the political realm. I do not doubt that methods of resistance like those pioneered by Gandhi must be used if we are to create global economic democracy. Having found the present world of work wanting, I have offered a vision for its transformation. I've not in these remarks referred to differences regarding matters like race, religion, nationality, gender, sexual orientation. The absence of economic justice exacerbates tensions in all these areas. Such issues will at least be easier to address if the global economy can be transformed along lines of decentralized, cooperative self-rule. My present remarks also at best only imply the spiritual and cultural transformation necessary for any political-economic change on the scale envisioned. Suffice to say I believe we require cultural plurality as well as a spirituality of connection. The world I've envisioned may seem remote, but its essential elements already are present. Developing a strategy for getting from here to there is the work of morning. We need to be about the task. For night comes, when no one can work.  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